【#范文大全# #演讲稿名人#】呈上“演讲稿名人”的重点阅读资料绝不能错过，尤其是在你面临需要发表演讲的场合时。提前将演讲稿发给听众，可以让他们做好充分准备。只有精心准备一份演讲稿，我们的演讲才能吸引人的注意。您是否知道如何撰写一份优秀的主题演讲稿呢？我们非常感谢您的关注和支持，并希望您能将本文章分享给您的朋友圈。
演讲稿名人 篇1
徐志摩，(1897年1月15日—1931年11月19日)，现代诗人、散文家。原名章垿，字槱森，留学英国时改名志摩。曾经用过的笔名：南湖、诗哲、海谷、谷、大兵、云中鹤、仙鹤、删我、心手、黄狗、谔谔等。徐志摩是新月派代表诗人，新月诗社成员。1915年毕业于杭州一中，先后就读于上海沪江大学、天津北洋大学和北京大学。 1918年赴美国克拉克大学学习银行学。十个月即告毕业，获学士学位，得一等荣誉奖。同年，转入纽约的哥伦比亚大学的研究院，进经济系。[1] 1921年赴英国留学，入剑桥大学当特别生，研究政治经济学。在剑桥两年深受西方教育的熏陶及欧美浪漫主义和唯美派诗人的影响。奠定其浪漫主义诗风。1923年成立新月社。1924年任北京大学教授。1926年任光华大学、大夏大学和南京中央大学(1949年更名为南京大学)教授。1930年辞去了上海和南京的职务，应胡适之邀，再度任北京大学教授，兼北京女子师范大学教授。1931年11月19日因飞机失事罹难。代表作品有《再别康桥》《翡冷翠的一夜》。
徐志摩是一位在中国文坛上曾经活跃一时并有一定影响的作家，他的世界观是没有主导思想的，或者说是个超阶级的“不含党派色彩的诗人”。他的思想、创作呈现的面貌，发展的趋势，都说明他是个布尔乔亚诗人。他的思想的.发展变化，他的创作前后期的不同状况，是和当时社会历史特点关联着的。
徐诗字句清新，韵律谐和，比喻新奇，想象丰富，意境优美，神思飘逸，富于变化，并追求艺术形式的整饬、华美，具有鲜明的艺术个性。他的散文也自成一格，取得了不亚于诗歌的成就，其中《自剖》《想飞》《我所知道的康桥》《翡冷翠山居闲话》等都是传世的名篇。
人们看待徐志摩及其创作总是把他与新月派连在一起的，认定他为新月派的代表作家，称他为新月派的“盟主”，这是因为新月派的形成直至消亡，都与他发生着密切的关系，他参与了新月派的整个活动，他的创作体现了新月流派鲜明特征。从成立新月社到逐步形成一个文学流派——新月派，历时约十年，徐志摩始终在其中起着重要的作用。他在我国新诗发展史上曾经产生过一定的影响，为新诗的发展进行过种种试验和探索。他的诗歌有着相当鲜明的独特风格，有一定的艺术技巧。
作为那个时代的名人，徐志摩做到了一个普通知识分子能做的一切，他在追求自身幸福生活的同时，也对民族命运有过深刻的思考。他与张幼仪的婚姻是那个时代的不幸，他与林徽因的淡淡情愫令人唏嘘，他与陆小曼的婚姻热烈而深情，却又坎坷多舛。
演讲稿名人 篇2
尊敬的党组织：
您好!
随着时代的发展，社会日新月异时代的不断发展更体现了革命先辈的正确思想正确引导。12月26日又要到了，毛泽东的诞辰，此时此刻让不禁地想起了我们的伟大领袖毛泽东同志。1934年1月，他在《中华苏维埃共和国中央执行委员会与人民委员会对第二次全国苏维埃代表大会的报告》中提出：为了革命的需要，必须实行文化教育的改革，以创造新的工农的苏维埃文化。同样的，在当今现代化的科技时代的需要，我们的教育也要有新的改革。
毛泽东的教育改革思想主要包括以下几个组成部分：第一，对旧的教育制度的改革。在长期的中国革命教育实践中，毛泽东始终把对旧教育制度的改造作为建立新的教育制度的前提。1937年，根据革命形势的发展，他在《反对日本进攻的方针、办法和前途》一文中强调，要“根本改革过去的教育方针和教育制度，”以后又指出“实行以抗日救国为目标的新制度、新课程”。新中国成立后，百废待兴，改革旧的教育制度、建立新的教育制度，也成为极其迫切的任务。毛泽东坚持马克思主义的唯物史观，在革命的不同时期和阶段，不断提出对旧教育制度改造的具体任务，以适应革命战争和社会主义经济建设发展的需要，这是对马列主义、毛泽东思想的重大贡献。
第二，毛泽东坚持马克思主义的唯物史观，对一切旧的教育思想中的积极因素进行了批判的继承和发展，形成了无产阶级的教育思想和理论。在青年时期，毛泽东曾认为，改造中国应先从教育人手。接受马克思主义世界观以后，他彻底批判’了这种教育救国论，开始把教育作为为无产阶级政治服务的：工具、来为中国革命战争和经济建设服务。他一方面注意对封建地主阶级、资产阶级的教育思想进行批判，另一方面又注意将马克思主义理论与中国的教育实践相结合，在批判继承的基础上，形成具有中国特色革命的教育思想。在1934年1月《中华苏维埃共和国中央执行委员会与人民委员会对第二次全国苏维埃代表大会的报告》中，他明确提出了“开展苏维埃领土上的文化革命”，使工农及其子女有享受教育的优先权”的思想，强调要“用一切方法来提高工农的文化水平。”为保障工农大众有受教育的机会，毛泽东制定了一系列具体的教育方法和措施，大力提倡群众性扫盲识字运动，开展广泛的社会教育及民众教育，并使之成为整个民-主革命时期的重要任务。建国后，他强调要将普及教育与新中国的经济建设发展相结合，提出要在较短的时间内扫除文盲，普及小学教育，并具体提出农民学文化、学技术与农业合作化、发展集体经济发展相结合的教育思想，迅速提高了工农大众的文化水平。也正是他这一举措，才使得我国有当今的科技水平。
第三，重视社会实践，特别强调理论与实际相联系、教育与生产劳动相结合的方针，提倡培养德、智、体全面发展的“有社会主义觉悟”的劳动者。针对旧教育制度在培养人才上的弊端，毛泽东提出了一系列学校教育改革的具体措施与办法。早在1920xx年8月，他就曾创办过一所传播马列主义，培养革命干部的新型学校——湖南自修大学，吸取古代书院和现代学校的长处，提倡自学与自由研究相结合，变被动学习为主动求学。他注重培养学生分析问题和解决问题的能力，要求学生既要读有字之书，又要读无字之书。1920xx年，他提出启发与讨论等十项教授法。
第四，毛泽东始终强调坚持走群众路线的办学方针，要求办教育必须符合广大人民群众的根本利益。在民-主革命时期，他提出教育要为工农兵服务，要从广大人民群众需要和自愿出发办教育，主张办教育要有国家办学和调动人民群众办学的两个积极性，要求实行“两条腿走路”的办学方针。1944年10月，在《文化工作中的统一战线》一文中，他明确提出：“在教育工作方面，不但要有集中的正规的小学、中学，而且要有分散的不正规的村学。读报组和识字组。”建国后，毛泽东强调农村办学应采取多种形式。1956年，他提出，除了国家办学以外，必须大力提倡群众集体办学和勤工俭学。在办学原则上，他系统提出了要将统一性与多样性、普及与提高、全面规划与地方分权相结合的原则;在办学形式上，他提倡国家与厂矿、企业、农业合作社办学并举，全日制学校与半工半读、业余教育、自学并举，免费与不免费的教育并举。
总起来说，，在教育上进行了创造性的改革，突出地反映了中国的民族特色，在革命与建设的实践中发挥了积极的作用，极大地推动了中华民族文化水平的提高和革命与建设事业的发展。当然，由于具体历史条件的限制，毛泽东的教育思想在其形成和发展过程中，也曾出现过一些偏颇，在实践中也曾出现过一些失误。但这些毕竟不是主流。在新的历史条件下，应该继续以毛泽东教育思想为指导，发展真理，修正错误，推动社会主义教育事业向前发展。要大胆地去创新，去改革不畏艰险不怕困难勇往直前不泻的陆离才能出成绩。
演讲稿名人 篇3
有一个故事说，能够到达金字塔顶端的只有两种动物，一是雄鹰，靠自己的天赋和翅膀飞了上去。我们这儿有很多雄鹰式的人物，很多学生学习不需要太努力就能达到高峰。很多学生后来可能很轻松地就能在北大毕业以后进入哈佛、耶鲁、牛津、剑桥这样的名牌大学继续深造。有很多学生身上充满了天赋，不需要学习就有这样的才能，比如说我刚才提到的我的班长王强，他的模仿能力就是超群的，到任何一个地方，听任何一句话，听一遍模仿出来的绝对不会两样。所以他在北大广播站当播音员当了整整四年。我每天听着他的声音，心头咬牙切齿充满仇恨。（笑声）所以，有天赋的人就像雄鹰。但是，大家也都知道，有另外一种动物，也到了金字塔的顶端。那就是蜗牛。蜗牛肯定只能是爬上去。从低下爬到上面可能要一个月、两个月，甚至一年、两年。在金字塔顶端，人们确实找到了蜗牛的痕迹。我相信蜗牛绝对不会一帆风顺地爬上去，一定会掉下来、再爬、掉下来、再爬。但是，学生们所要知道的是，蜗牛只要爬到金字塔顶端，它眼中所看到的世界，它收获的成就，跟雄鹰是一模一样的。（掌声）所以，也许我们在座的学生有的是雄鹰，有的是蜗牛。我在北大的时候，包括到今天为止，我一直认为我是一只蜗牛。但是我一直在爬，也许还没有爬到金字塔的顶端。但是只要你在爬，就足以给自己留下令生命感动的日子。（掌声）
我常常跟学生们说，如果我们的生命不为自己留下一些让自己热泪盈眶的日子，你的生命就是白过的。我们很多学生凭着优异的成绩进入了北大，但是北大绝不是你们学习的终点，而是你们生命的起点。在一岁到十八岁的岁月中间，你听老师的话、听父母的话，现在你真正开始了自己的独立生活。我们必须为自己创造一些让自己感动的日子，你才能够感动别人。我们这儿有富裕家庭来的，也有贫困家庭来的，我们生命的起点由不得你选择出生在富裕家庭还是贫困家庭，如果你生在贫困家庭，你不能说老爸给我收回去，我不想在这里待着。但是我们生命的终点是由我们自己选择的。我们所有在座的学生过去都走得很好，已经在十八岁的年龄走到了很多中国孩子的前面去，因为北大是中国的骄傲，也可以说是世界的骄傲。但是，到北大并不意味着你从此大功告成，并不意味着你未来的路也能走好，后面的五十年、六十年，甚至一百年你该怎么走，成为了每一个学生都要思考的问题。就本人而言，我觉得只要有两样东西在心中，我们就能成就自己的人生。
第一样叫做理想。我从小就有一种感觉，希望穿越地平线走向远方，我把它叫做“穿越地平线的渴望”。也正是因为这种强烈的渴望，使我有勇气不断地高考。当然，我生命中也有榜样。比如我有一个邻居，非常的有名，是我终生的榜样，他的名字叫徐霞客。当然，是五百年前的邻居。但是他确实是我的邻居，江苏江阴的，我也是江苏江阴的。因为崇拜徐霞客，直接导致我在高考的时候地理成绩考了九十七分。（掌声）也是徐霞客给我带来了穿越地平线的这种感觉，所以我也下定决心，如果徐霞客走遍了中国，我就要走遍世界。而我现在正在实现自己这一梦想。所以，只要你心中有理想，有志向，学生们，你终将走向成功。你所要做到的就是在这个过程要有艰苦奋斗、忍受挫折和失败的能力，要不断地把自己的心胸扩大，才能够把事情做得更好。
第二样东西叫良心。什么叫良心呢？就是要做好事，要做对得起自己对得起别人的事情，要有和别人分享的姿态，要有愿意为别人服务的精神。有良心的人会从你具体的生活中间做的事情体现出来，而且你所做的事情一定对你未来的生命产生影响。我来讲两个小故事，讲完我就结束我的讲话，已经占用了很长的时间。
第一个小故事。有一个企业家和我讲起他大学时候的一个故事，他们班有一个学生，家庭比较富有，每个礼拜都会带六个苹果到学校来。宿舍里的学生以为是一人一个，结果他是自己一天吃一个。尽管苹果是他的，不给你也不能抢，但是从此学生留下一个印象，就是这个孩子太自私。后来这个企业家做成功了事情，而那个吃苹果的学生还没有取得成功，就希望加入到这个企业家的队伍里来。但后来大家一商量，说不能让他加盟，原因很简单，因为在大学的时候他从来没有体现过分享精神。所以，对学生们来说在大学时代的第一个要点，你得跟学生们分享你所拥有的东西，感情、思想、财富，哪怕是一个苹果也可以分成六瓣大家一起吃。（掌声）因为你要知道，这样做你将来能得到更多，你的付出永远不会是白白付出的。
演讲稿名人 篇4
no writer who knows the great writers who did not receive the prize can accept it other than with humility. there is no need to list these writers. everyone here may make his own list according to his knowledge and his conscience.
没有一个作家，当他知道在他以前不少伟大的作家并没有获得此项奖金的时候，能够心安理得地领奖而不感到受之有愧。这里无须一一列举这些作家的名字。在座的每一个人，都可以根据他的学识和良心提出自己名单来。 it would be impossible for me to ask the ambassador of my country to read a speech in which a writer saidall of the things which are in his heart. things may not be immediately discernible in what a man writes, and in this sometimes he is fortunate; but eventually they are quite clear and by these and the degree of alchemy that he possesses he will endure or be forgotten.
要求我国的大使在这儿宣读一篇演说，把一个作家心中所有感受说出来那是不可能的。一个人作品中的一些东西可能不会马上被人理解，在这点上，他有时是幸运的;但是这一切终究会十分清晰起来，通过它们以及作家所具有的点石成金的本领之大小，他将青史留名或被人遗忘。
writing at its best is a lonely life. organizations for writers palliate the writer's loneliness, but i doubt if they improve his writing. he grows in public stature as he sheds his loneliness and often his work deteriorates. for he does his work alone, and if he is a good enough writer, he must face eternity or the lack of it each day.
很多时候，写作是一种孤寂的生活。作家组织固然可以排遣他们的孤独，但是我怀疑它们是否能够促进作家的创作。一个在稠人广众之中成长起来的作家，自然可以免除孤苦寂寥之虑，但他的`作品往往流于平庸。而一个在孤寂中工作的作家，如果他又确实不同凡响，那他就必须面对永恒或者面对缺乏永恒的每一天。
for a true writer, each book should be a new beginning where he tries again for something that is beyond attainment. he should always try for something that has never been done or that others have tried and failed. then sometimes, with good luck, he will succeed.
对于一个真正的作家来说，每一本书都应该成为他继续探索那些尚未涉及的领域的一个新起点。他应该永远尝试去做那些从来没有人做过或者他人做过但却已经失败的事。这样他就会有幸获得成功。
how simple the writing of literature would be if it were only necessary to write in another way what has been well written. it is because we have had such great writers in the past that a writer is driven far out past where he can go, out to where no one can help him.
如果仅仅是将已经写好的作品换一种方式来重新诠释，那么文学创作就显得太轻而易举了。我们的前辈大师们留下了伟大的业绩，正因为如此，一个普通作家常被他们逼人的光辉驱赶到远离他可能到达的地方，陷于孤立无援的境地。
i have spoken too long for a writer. a writer should write what he has to say and not speak it.
作为一个作家，我讲的已经太多了。作家应当把自己要说的话写下来，而不是说出来。
again i thank you.
再一次谢谢大家。
演讲稿名人 篇5
我们都知道，马丁·路德·金是美国的民权运动领袖，他为黑人谋求平等，甚至献出了自己的生命，被誉为是“黑人的麦加”。而与此同时，马丁·路德·金也是一名卓越的反战斗士，他关心的不仅仅是“小我”的权利，而且还有“大我”的和平、自由。如果你一直以来只是把马丁·路德·金看成一个黑人运动领袖，那么下面的这篇演讲相信会让你对他有新的认识——马 ぢ返隆そ鸬奈按笕烁裰档梦颐敲恳桓鲅鍪幼鹁础?
br本演讲发表于1967年4月4日，是马丁·路德·金在“忧世教士和俗人协会”的一个反越站的集会上的演讲，集会的地点是纽约著名的河边大教堂（riverside church）。
我走进这座宏伟的教堂是因为我的良心让我别无选择。我加入你们的集会，则是因为我对这个聚合我们的组织——“忧世教士和俗人协会”关注越南——的工作和主旨非常认同。我对你们执委会最近的声明深有同感，当我阅读到它的开场白的时候就甚有共鸣：
“这是一个‘沉默即是背叛’的时刻。”
i ***e to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the ***anization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam.
the recent statements of your executive ***mittee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: "a time ***es when silence is betrayal."
演讲全文：a time to break silence by martin luther king, jr.
i ***e to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the ***anization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam.
the recent statements of your executive ***mittee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: "a time ***es when silence is betrayal." and that time has ***e for us in relation to vietnam.
the truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world.
moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being me**erized by uncertainty; but we must move on.
and some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. we must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. and we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of **ooth patrioti** to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history.
perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. if it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.
over the past two years, as i have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as i have called for radical departures from the destruction of vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. at the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: "why are you speaking about the war, dr.
king?" "why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "peace and civil rights don't mix," they say.
"aren't you hurting the cause of your people," they ask? and when i hear them, though i often understand the source of their concern, i am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my ***mitment or my calling. indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.
in the light of such tragic misunderstanding, i deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and i trust concisely, why i believe that the path from dexter avenue baptist church -- the church in montgomery, alabama, where i began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.
i ***e to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. this speech is not addressed to hanoi or to the national liberation front. it is not addressed to china or to russia.
nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of vietnam. neither is it an attempt to make north vietnam or the national liberation front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. while they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the united states, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.
tonight, however, i wish not to speak with hanoi and the national liberation front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.
since i am a preacher by trade, i suppose it is not surprising that i have seven major reasons for bringing vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* there is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in vietnam and the struggle i, and others, have been waging in america. a few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle.
it seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor -- both black and white -- through the poverty program. there were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. then came the buildup in vietnam, and i watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and i knew that america would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube.
so, i was increasingly ***pelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.
perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. it was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. we were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in southeast asia which they had not found in southwest ge***ia and east harlem.
and so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching negro and white boys on tv screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. and so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in chicago. i could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.
my third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the north over the last three years -- especially the last three summers. as i have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, i have told them that molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. i have tried to offer them my deepest ***passion while maintaining my conviction that social change ***es most meaningfully through nonviolent action.
but they ask -- and rightly so -- what about vietnam? they ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. their questions hit home, and i knew that i could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today -- my own government.
for the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, i cannot be silent.
for those who ask the question, "aren't you a civil rights leader?" and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, i have this further answer. in 1957 when a group of us formed the southern christian leadership conference, we chose as our motto:
"to save the soul of america." we were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that america would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed ***pletely from the shackles they still wear. in a way we were agreeing with langston hughes, that black bard of harlem, who had written earlier:
o, yes,
i say it plain,
america never was america to me,
and yet i swear this oath --
america will be!
now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of america today can ignore the present war. if america's soul be***es totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: vietnam.
it can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. so it is that those of us who are yet determined that america will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.
as if the weight of such a ***mitment to the life and health of america were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954** [sic]; and i cannot f***et that the nobel prize for peace was also a ***mission -- a ***mission to work harder than i had ever worked before for "the brotherhood of man." this is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present i would yet have to live with the meaning of my ***mitment to the ministry of jesus christ. to me the relationship of this ministry to the ****** of peace is so obvious that i sometimes marvel at those who ask me why i'm speaking against the war.
could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men -- for ***munist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? have they f***otten that my ministry is in obedience to the one who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? what then can i say to the vietcong or to castro or to mao as a faithful minister of this one?
can i threaten them with death or must i not share with them my life?
and finally, as i try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from montgomery to this place i would have offered all that was most valid if i simply said that i must be true to my conviction that i share with all men the calling to be a son of the living god. beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because i believe that the father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, i ***e tonight to speak for them.
this i believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationali** and which go beyond our nation's self-defined goals and positions. we are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls "enemy," for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.
and as i ponder the madness of vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in ***passion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. i speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the liberation front, not of the junta in saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. i think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.
they must see americans as strange liberators. the vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence *in 1954* -- in 1945 *rather* -- after a ***bined french and japanese occupation and before the ***munist revolution in china. they were led by ho chi minh.
even though they quoted the american declaration of independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. instead, we decided to support france in its reconquest of her former colony. our government felt then that the vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long.
with that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by china -- for whom the vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some ***munists. for the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.
for nine years following 1945 we denied the people of vietnam the right of independence. for nine years we vigorously supported the french in their abortive effort to recolonize vietnam. before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the french war costs.
even before the french were defeated at dien bien phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. we encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.
after the french were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would ***e again through the geneva agreement. but instead there came the united states, determined that ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, premier diem. the peasants watched and cringed as diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the north.
the peasants watched as all this was presided over by united states' influence and then by increasing numbers of united states troops who came to help quell the insurgency that diem's methods had aroused. when diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.
the only change came from america, as we increased our troop ***mitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. all the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow vietnamese, the real enemy.
they move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. they know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.
so they go, primarily women and children and the aged. they watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. they must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees.
they wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from american firepower for one vietcong-inflicted injury. so far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. they wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals.
they see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. they see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.
what do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? what do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of europe? where are the roots of the independent vietnam we claim to be building?
is it among these voiceless ones?
we have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. we have destroyed their land and their crops.
we have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only non***munist revolutionary political force, the unified buddhist church. we have supported the enemies of the peasants of saigon. we have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.
now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. *soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." the peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new vietnam on such grounds as these.
could we blame them for such thoughts? we must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. these, too, are our brothers.
perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies.* what of the national liberation front, that strangely anonymous group we call "vc" or "***munists"? what must they think of the united states of america when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the south?
what do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? how can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the north" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? how can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land?
surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. surely we must see that our own ***puterized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.
how do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent ***munist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? what must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly ***anized political parallel government will not have a part? they ask how we can speak of free elections when the saigon press is ******ed and controlled by the military junta.
and they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. they question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. their questions are frighteningly relevant.
is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?
here is the true meaning and value of ***passion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his asses**ent of ourselves. for from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.
so, too, with hanoi. in the north, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. to speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in western words, and especially their distrust of american intentions now.
in hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the japanese and the french, the men who sought membership in the french ***monwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. it was they who led a second struggle against french domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at geneva. after 1954 they watched us conspire with diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought ho chi minh to power over a united vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again.
when we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.
also, it must be clear that the leaders of hanoi considered the presence of american troops in support of the diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the geneva agreement concerning foreign troops. they remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the south until american forces had moved into the tens of thousands.
hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier north vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. ho chi minh has watched as america has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of american plans for an invasion of the north. he knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy.
perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than *eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away from its shores.
at this point i should make it clear that while i have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," i am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. for it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. we are adding cynici** to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved.
before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.
somehow this madness must cease. we must stop now. i speak as a child of god and brother to the suffering poor of vietnam.
i speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. i speak for the poor of america who are paying the double price of **ashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in vietnam. i speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken.
i speak as one who loves america, to the leaders of our own nation: the great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.
this is the message of the great buddhist leaders of vietnam. recently one of them wrote these words, and i quote:
each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. the americans are forcing even their friends into be***ing their enemies. it is curious that the americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat.
the image of america will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militari** (unquote).
if we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in vietnam. if we do not stop our war against the people of vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. the world now demands a maturity of america that we may not be able to achieve.
it demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the vietnamese people. the situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. in order to atone for our sins and errors in vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.
*i would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:
number one: end all bombing in north and south vietnam.
number two: declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.
three: take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in southeast asia by curtailing our military buildup in thailand and our interference in laos.
four: realistically accept the fact that the national liberation front has substantial support in south vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future vietnam government.
five: *set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from vietnam in accordance with the 1954 geneva agreement.
part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing ***mitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the liberation front. then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done.
we must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, ****** it available in this country, if necessary. meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful ***mitment.
we must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in vietnam. we must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.
*as we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. i am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, morehouse college, and i re***mend it to all who find the american course in vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. moreover, i would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.
* these are the times for real choices and not false ones. we are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest.
now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has be***e a popular crusade against the war in vietnam. i say we must enter that struggle, but i wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing.
the war in vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the american spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves ***anizing "clergy and laymen concerned" ***mittees for the next generation. they will be concerned about guatemala and peru.
they will be concerned about thailand and cambodia. they will be concerned about mozambique and south africa. we will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in american life and policy.
and so, such thoughts take us beyond vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living god.
in 1957, a sensitive american official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. during the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of u.s.
military advisors in venezuela. this need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of american forces in guatemala. it tells why american helicopters are being used against guerrillas in cambodia and why american napalm and green beret forces have already been active against rebels in peru.
it is with such activity in mind that the words of the late john f. kennedy ***e back to haunt us. five years ago he said, "those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.
" increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that ***e from the immense profits of overseas investments. i am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. we must rapidly begin...
we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. when machines and ***puters, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of raci**, extreme materiali**, and militari** are incapable of being conquered.
a true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. on the one hand, we are called to play the good samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act. one day we must ***e to see that the whole jericho road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway.
true ***passion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. it ***es to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.
a true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. with righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the west investing huge sums of money in asia, africa, and south america, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, "this is not just." it will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of south america and say, "this is not just.
" the western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just.
a true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, "this way of settling differences is not just." this business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love. a nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.
america, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. there is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. there is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.
*this kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against ***muni**. war is not the answer. ***muni** will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons.
let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the united states to relinquish its participation in the united nations.* these are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness. *we must not engage in a negative anti***muni**, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against ***muni** is to take offensive action in behalf of justice.
we must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of ***muni** grows and develops.*
these are revolutionary times. all over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born. the shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before.
the people who sat in darkness have seen a great light. we in the west must support these revolutions.
it is a sad fact that because of ***fort, ***placency, a morbid fear of ***muni**, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now be***e the arch antirevolutionaries. this has driven many to feel that only marxi** has a revolutionary spirit. therefore, ***muni** is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated.
our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, raci**, and militari**. with this powerful ***mitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when "every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain."
a genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must be***e ecumenical rather than sectional. every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.
this call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one's tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all mankind. this oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily di**issed by the nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force, has now be***e an absolute necessity for the survival of man. when i speak of love i am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response.
i am not speaking of that force which is just emotional bosh. i am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life. love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality.
this hindu-muslim-christian-jewish-buddhist belief about ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of saint john: "let us love one another, for love is god. and every one that loveth is born of god and knoweth god.
he that loveth not knoweth not god, for god is love." "if we love one another, god dwelleth in us and his love is perfected in us." let us hope that this spirit will be***e the order of the day.
we can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation. the oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate. and history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate.
as arnold toynbee says: "love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil. therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word" (unquote).
we are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. we are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. in this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late.
procrastination is still the thief of time. life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with a lost opportunity. the tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood -- it ebbs.
we may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is adamant to every plea and rushes on. over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, "too late." there is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect.
omar khayyam is right: "the moving finger writes, and having writ moves on."
we still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent coannihilation. we must move past indecision to action.
we must find new ways to speak for peace in vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that borders on our doors. if we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the long, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without ***passion, might without morality, and strength without sight.
now let us begin. now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world. this is the calling of the sons of god, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response.
shall we say the odds are too great? shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? will our message be that the forces of american life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets?
or will there be another message -- of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of ***mitment to their cause, whatever the cost? the choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.
as that noble bard of yesterday, james russell lowell, eloquently stated:
once to every man and nation ***es a moment to decide,
in the strife of truth and falsehood, for the good or evil side;
some great cause, god's new messiah offering each the bloom or blight,
and the choice goes by forever 'twixt that darkness and that light.
though the cause of evil prosper, yet 'tis truth alone is strong
though her portions be the scaffold, and upon the throne be wrong
yet that scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim unknown
standeth god within the shadow, keeping watch above his own.
and if we will only make the right choice, we will be able to transform this pending co**ic elegy into a creative psalm of peace.
if we will make the right choice, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our world into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.
if we will but make the right choice, we will be able to speed up the day, all over america and all over the world, when justice will roll down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.
演讲稿名人 篇6
.麒麟童“赴宴”
抗日期间，日寇侵占上海后，周信芳在法租界黄金大戏院上演了轰动一时的名剧《明末遗恨》，盛况空前，激起了民众的抗日救亡情绪。日军恨之入骨，照会法租界当局，以“有碍睦邻”、“煽动反日”为名，勒令禁演。 就在这时候，汪伪特务头子吴世宝接到伪行政院副院长周佛海的密令，在沪西梵皇渡路76 号特务机关“宴请”周信芳。周信芳明知此行不善，却浩气凛然前去赴宴。
吴世宝一见周信芳，便龇着黄板牙，笑道：“周老板有胆有识，确实名不虚传。小弟过去是你的观众，今天受汪主席的委托转告你，日本皇侄殿下马上要赴南京作亲善访问了，想邀你去慰问演出。”
周信芳听了，哈哈大笑：“承蒙汪主席赐誉，不过，他可能抬举错了，我周某在上海演戏都遭禁止，何况去南京呢?” 吴世宝陡然脸一板，说：“早就知道周老板是响当当的爱国豪杰，只是我这个76 号也不是一般人随意能进来的。宴前，先请你观赏一下这里的特别节目，免得我多费唇舌。”
说罢，他领周信芳穿过一道铁门，进了“天牢”、”地牢”。这里遍是 刑具，阴森恐怖。吴世宝狡黠地笑着说：“周老板，你演过多年的戏，我吴 某导演的这个舞台，你没见过吧?这里也是艺术啊!”他指着电椅冷笑道：“你这大名鼎鼎的艺术家，坐过这种椅子吗?”
周信芳一听，两眼冒火，噌噌噌地走去、往电椅上一坐，不卑不亢地说： “演戏的人皇位也能坐，何谈这把椅子呢!
吴世宝气急败坏地狠狠把烟头一摔。“参观”结束了。在餐桌上，今随从端过两个罐子，狞笑道：“周老板不肯赏脸，咱们打开窗子说亮话，这里有两样礼品，你挑选一种带回去。”
周信芳一看，一罐是金条，一罐是硝镪水。他知道，这杀人不眨眼的魔 王，妄图以毁坏面容来逼他就范了。他猛地接过硝镪水，双眉一竖，怒瞪双 眼，铿锵有力地回答道：“请转告汪主席，邀我去南京的聘礼，我收下了。 不过，硝镪水毁不了麒麟童的艺术，更毁不了麒麟童的人格!”
周信芳回去后，第二天夜里吴世宝派爪牙去绑架。岂知到周宅扑了一个空。原来周信芳和夫人裘丽林在我地下党安排下，已转到一位葡萄牙友人家里住下了。
演讲稿名人 篇7
1、青少年是一个美好而又是一去不可再得的时期，是将来一切光明和幸福的开端。——加里宁
4、夫志当存高远，慕先贤，绝情欲，弃疑滞，使庶几之志，揭然有所存，恻然有所感;忍屈伸，去细碎，广咨问，除嫌吝，虽有淹留，何损于美趣，何患于不济。若志不强毅，意不慷慨，徒碌碌滞于俗，默默束于情，永窜伏于平庸，不免于下流矣。——诸葛亮
5、夫学须志也，才须学也，非学无以广才，非志无以成学。——诸葛亮
6、每一个人要有做一代豪杰的雄心斗志!应当做个开创一代的人。——周恩来
10、古之立大事者，不惟有超世之才，亦必有坚忍不拔之志。——苏轼
11、一个人如果不到最高峰，他就没有片刻的安宁，他也就不会感到生命的恬静和光荣。——肖伯纳
13、战士自有战士的抱负：永远改造，从零出发;一切可耻的衰退，只能使人视若仇敌，踏成泥沙。——郭小川
14、最糟糕的是人们在生活中经常受到错误志向的阻碍而不自知，真到摆脱了那些阻碍时才能明白过来。——歌德
15、天将降大任于斯人也，必先苦其心志，劳其筋骨，饿其体肤，空乏其身，行拂乱其所为也，所以动心忍性，增益其所不能。——《孟子》
演讲稿名人 篇8
Diana was the very essence of compassion, of duty, of style, of beauty. All over the world she was a symbol of selfless humanity. All over the world, a standard bearer for the right of the truly downtrodden, a very British girl who transcend nationality, someone with a natural nobility who was classless.
This is the text of Earl Spencer's tribute to his sister at her funeral. There is some very deep, powerful and heartfelt sentiment. Would that those at whom it is aimed would take heed. The versions posted on several news services had minor errors. This is precisely as it was deliverd.
I stand before you today the representative of a family in grief, in a country in mourning before a world in shock.
We are all united not only in our desire to pay our respects to Diana but rather in our need to do so.
For such was her extraordinary appeal that the tens of millions of people taking part in this service all over the world via television and radio who never actually met her, feel that they, too, lost someone close to them in the early hours of Sunday morning. It is a more remarkable tribute to Diana than I can ever hope to offer her today.
Diana was the very essence of compassion, of duty, of style, of beauty. All over the world she was a symbol of selfless humanity, a standard-bearer for the rights of the truly downtrodden, a very British girl who transcended nationality, someone with a natural nobility who was classless, who proved in the last year that she needed no royal title to continue to generate her particular brand of magic.
Today is our chance to say "thank you" for the way you brightened our lives, even though God granted you but half a life. We will all feel cheated, always, that you were taken from us so young and yet we must learn to be grateful that you came along at all.
Only now you are gone do we truly appreciate what we are now without and we want you to know that life without you is very, very difficult.
We have all despaired at our loss over the past week and only the strength of the message you gave us through your years of giving has afforded us the strength to move forward.
There is a temptation to rush to canonize your memory. There is no need to do so. You stand tall enough as a human being of unique qualities not to need to be seen as a saint. Indeed to sanctify your memory would be to miss out on the very core of your being, your wonderfully mischievous sense of humor with the laugh that bent you double, your joy for life transmitted wherever you took your smile, and the sparkle in those unforgettable eyes, your boundless energy which you could barely contain.
But your greatest gift was your intuition, and it was a gift you used wisely. This is what underpinned all your wonderful attributes. And if we look to analyze what it was about you that had such a wide appeal, we find it in your instinctive feel for what was really important in all our lives.
Without your God-given sensitivity, we would be immersed in greater ignorance at the anguish of AIDS and HIV sufferers, the plight of the homeless, the isolation of lepers, the random destruction of land mines. Diana explained to me once that it was her innermost feelings of suffering that made it possible for her to connect with her constituency of the rejected.
And here we come to another truth about her. For all the status, the glamour, the applause, Diana remained throughout a very insecure person at heart, almost childlike in her desire to do good for others so she could release herself from deep feelings of unworthiness of which her eating disorders were merely a symptom.
The world sensed this part of her character and cherished her for her vulnerability, whilst admiring her for her honesty. The last time I saw Diana was on July the first, her birthday, in London, when typically she was not taking time to celebrate her special day with friends but was guest of honor at a fund-raising charity evening.
She sparkled of course, but I would rather cherish the days I spent with her in March when she came to visit me and my children in our home in South Africa. I am proud of the fact that apart from when she was on public display meeting President Mandela, we managed to contrive to stop the ever-present paparazzi from getting a single picture of her.
That meant a lot to her.
These were days I will always treasure. It was as if we'd been transported back to our childhood, when we spent such an enormous amount of time together, the two youngest in the family.
Fundamentally she hadn't changed at all from the big sister who mothered me as a baby, fought with me at school and endured those long train journeys between our parents' homes with me at weekends. It is a tribute to her level-headedness and strength that despite the most bizarre life imaginable after her childhood, she remained intact, true to herself.
There is no doubt that she was looking for a new direction in her life at this time. She talked
endlessly of getting away from England, mainly because of the treatment she received at the hands of the newspa-pe-rs.
I don't think she ever understood why her genuinely good intentions were sneered at by the media, why there appeared to be a permanent quest on their behalf to bring her down. It is baffling. My own, and only, explanation is that genuine goodness is threatening to those at the opposite end of the moral spectrum.
It is a point to remember that of all the ironies about Diana, perhaps the greatest was this; that a girl given the name of the ancient goddess of hunting was, in the end, the most hunted person of the modern age.
She would want us today to pledge ourselves to protecting her beloved boys William and Harry from a similar fate. And I do this here, Diana, on your behalf. We will not allow them to suffer the anguish that used regularly to drive you to tearful despair.
Beyond that, on behalf of your mother and sisters, I pledge that we, your blood family, will do all we can to continue the imaginative and loving way in which you were steering these two exceptional young men, so that their souls are not simply immersed by duty and tradition but can sing openly as you planned.
We fully respect the heritage into which they have both been born, and will always respect and encourage them in their royal role. But we, like you, recognize the need for them to experience as many different aspects of life as possible, to arm them spiritually and emotionally for the years ahead. I know you would have expected nothing less from us.
William and Harry, we all care desperately for you today. We are all chewed up with sadness at the loss of a woman who wasn't even our mother. How great your suffering is we cannot even imagine.
I would like to end by thanking God for the small mercies he has shown us at this dreadful time; for taking Diana at her most beautiful and radiant and when she had joy in her private life.
Above all, we give thanks for the life of a woman I am so proud to be able to call my sister: the unique the complex, the extraordinary and irreplaceable Diana, whose beauty, both internal and external, will never be extinguished from our minds.
名人短篇英语演讲稿 [篇2]
Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen,Good afternoon!
主席先生，各位来宾，大家午安！ Before I introduce our cultural programs, only tell you one thing first about 2015. You're going tohave a great time in Beijing.
在我介绍我们的文化项目之前，首先我要告诉你们一件有关于2015的事情，那就是你们将在北京度过一段美好的时光。 Many people are fascinated by Chins's sport legends in the history. For example, back to SongDynasty, which was the 11th century, people in our country started to play a game called Cuju,which is regarded as the origin of ancient football. The game was so popular that women were alsoparticipating. Now, you would probably understand why our women's football team does so welltoday.
很多人都对中国历史上的体育传奇感兴趣。例如，早在宋代，大约11世纪，人们开始玩一个叫蹴鞠的游戏，这被看作是足球古老的起源。这个游戏很受欢迎，妇女也来参加。现在，你就会明白，为什么我们的女子足球队这么厉害了。 There are a lot more wonderful and exciting events waiting for you in the New Beijing, a modernmetropolis with 3,000 years of cultural treasures woven into the urban tapestry. Along with theiconic imagery of the Forbidden City, the Temple of Heaven and the Great Wall, the city also offersan endless mixture of theatres, museums, discos, all kinds of restaurants and shopping malls whichwill amaze and delight you.
还有更多精彩的事物在等着你。在新北京，一个充满活力的现代化大都市，交织3000年的文化宝藏的城市面貌，伴随着象征意象的紫禁城、天坛、万里长城正在向您展开，这个城市有着多样的的影院、博物馆、舞厅、各种餐馆和购物中心，正在让您感到惊喜与兴奋。 But beyond all that, this is a city of millions of friendly people who love to meet people from aroundthe world. They believe if the 2015 Olympics is held in Beijing, it will help to enhance the harmonybetween our culture and diverse cultures of the world. And gurantee their gratitude will pour out inopen expressions of affection for you and the great Movement that you guide. 但除此之外，它是一个深受几百万喜爱，可以满足来自全世界的人的城市。北京人民相信，如果2015年奥运会将在北京举办，将会促进我们的文化会与世界多元文化相互交融。他们会公开表达对奥运的期盼之情了，你可以见证你和伟大的运动间的文化交流。 Within our cultural programs, education and communication will receive the highest priority. Weseek to create an intellectual and sporting legacy by broadening the understanding of the OlympicIdeals throughout the country.
在我们的文化发展中，教育和交流将得到优先发展，我们想要创造一个智力和体育遗产，通过在全国各地广阔传播人们对于奥运梦想的理解。 Cultural events will unfold each year, from 2015 to 2015. We will stage multi-disciplined culturalprograms,indluding concerts, exhibitions, art competitions and camps which will in
volve youngpeople from around the world. During the Olympics, these activites will also be held in the OlympicVillage and in the city for the benefit of the athletes.
文化活动也将因之而每一年开展，从2015年至2015年，我们将举办多元化的文化节目，如音乐会、展览会、美术比赛和夏令营，将涉及来自世界各地的青少年。奥运会期间, 这些活动还将为运动员们在奥运村和所在城市举办。 Our Ceremonies will give China's greatest-and the world's greatest artists a chance to celebrate thecommon aspiration of humanity and unique heritage of chinese culture and that of the OlympicMovement.
开幕式我们将给予我国和世界上顶级艺术家们一次机会，来欢庆人类的共同愿望和中国文化和奥林匹克运动的独特文化遗产。 With a concept inspired by the famed Silk Road, our Torch Relay will break new ground, travelingfrom Olympia through some of the oldest civilizations known to man-Greek, Roman, Egyptian,Byzantine, Mesopotamian, Persian, Arabian, Indian and Chinese. Carrying the message "Share thePeace, Share the Olympics," the eternal flame will reach new heights as it crosses the Himalayasover the world's highest summit - Mount Qomolangma, which is known to many of you as Mt.Everest. In China, the torch will pass through Tibet, cross Yangtze and Yellow Rivers, travel theGreat Wall and visit Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan and 56 ethnic communities who make up oursociety. On its journey, the flame will be seen by and inspire more human beings than any previousrelay.
基于丝绸之路带来的灵感，我们的火炬接力将有新的突破，从奥林匹亚开始，穿越一些最古老的国家文明古国——希腊、罗马、埃及、拜占庭、美索不达米亚、波斯、阿拉伯、印度和中国。携带的信息“分享和平，分享奥运”永恒的火焰将达到新的高峰，因为它将穿越喜马拉雅山在世界的最高峰——珠穆朗玛峰。在中国，圣火还将穿过西藏，穿越长江与黄河，游历长城，并拜访香港，澳门，台湾和56个民族的人们，在这一历程之中，圣火的观看人数将超越所有之前的传递，儿它也将被激励更多的人参与到奥林匹克的大家庭中。 I am afraid I can not give you the full picture of our cultural programs within such a short period oftime. Before I end, let me share with you one story. Seven hundred years ago, amazed by hisincredible description of a far away land of great beauty, people asked Marco Polo whether hisstories about China were true. And Marco answered: What I have told you was not even half ofwhat I saw. Actually, what we have shown you here today is only a fraction of the Beijing thatawaits you.
在这么短的时间里，我恐怕不能介绍现在的中华全貌与我们的文化，在我结束前，让我跟大家分享这样一个故事，七百年前，马可波罗来到中国，马可波罗曾对中国的美丽有过惊奇的描述，人们对他描述感到十分惊讶，人们问马可波罗他的故事是不是真的，他回答道：我告诉你的连我看到的一半都没有达到。其实,我们已经介绍的只是一小部分，北京正在等待着你！
Ladies and Gentlemen，
女士们， 先生们， I believe Beijing will prove to be a land of wonders to all of you, to athletes, spectators, and world-wide television audience alike. Come and join us. Thank you, Mr president. Thank you all. Now I'dlike to give the floor back to Mr. He.
我相信北京将向你们所有人证明它是一片神奇的土地, 不论是运动员，观众，还是全世界的电视观众。来吧，和我们一起来吧！谢谢主席先生。谢谢大家。 现在再次由请何振梁先生讲话。
名人短篇英语演讲稿 [篇3]
The Gettysburg Address
Gettysburg,Pennsylvania
November 19,1863
Fourscore and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.
Now we are egaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and dedicated can long endure.We are met on the battelfield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final-resting place for those who gave their lives that the nation might live.It is altogether and proper that we should do this.
But,in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.The brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.
主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯
时间：1863年11月19日
地点：美国,宾夕法尼亚,葛底斯堡
八十七年前,我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家,它孕育于自由之中,奉行一切人生来平等的原则.
我们正从事一场伟大的内战,以考验这个国家,或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去.我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会.烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命,我们来到这里,是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所.我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的.
但是,从更广泛的意义上说,这块土地我们不能够奉献,不能够圣化,不能够神化.那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们,活着的和去世的,已经把这块土地圣化了,这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的.我们今天在这里所说的话,全世界不大会注意,也不会长久地记住,但勇士们在这里所做过的事,全世界却永远不会忘记.毋宁说,倒是我们这些还活着的人,应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业.倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神,来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心,不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的'新生,要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存.
Abraham Lincoln 亚伯拉罕．林肯（1809－1865）,美国第十六任总统（1861－1865）.
他自修法律,以反对奴隶制的纲领当选为总统,导致南方诸州脱离联邦.在由此引起的南北战争（1861－1865）中,他作为总统,发挥了美国历史上最有效、最鼓舞人心的领导作用,以其坚定的信念、深远的眼光和完美无缺的政治手腕,成功地引导一个处于分-裂的国家度过了其历史上流血最多的内战,从而换救了联邦.他致力于推进全人类的民主、自由和平等,以最雄辩的语言阐述了人道主义的思想,不失时机地发表《解放黑奴宣言》,因而被后人尊称为“伟大的解放者”.林肯不仅是一个伟大的总统,更是一个伟人.他出生于社会低层,具有勤劳简朴、谦虚和诚恳的美德.在美国历届总统中,林肯堪称是最平易近人的一位.林肯的著作主要是演讲词和书信,以朴素庄严、观点明确、思想丰富、表达灵活、适应对象并具有特殊的美国风味见称.此篇演讲是美国文学中最漂亮、最富有诗意的文章之一.虽然这是一篇庆祝军事胜利的演说,但它没有好战之气.相反,这是一篇感人肺腑的颂辞,赞美那些作出最后牺牲的人们,以及他们为之献身的那些理想.其中“政府应为民有、民治、民享”的名言被人们广为传颂.
演讲稿名人 篇9
一封情书
伟大的雕塑家罗丹在写给德国女作家埃莱娜·德·诺斯兹的一封情信上说：
“由于你的温雅和聪颖，我重又变得高雅，整个人都得到深化了。既然种子落进肥沃的土地，那么只要好好照料，它总会发芽结实的。一切东西都会消逝，于此我只能听天由命。但我在心里看见大自然随岁月流逝，风情万千地从我眼前掠过，不由得也对镜中衰老的自己感慨良久。我还在爱，还在理解，还没有变得驽钝……”
是的，爱情可以净化一个人，也可以使之变得复杂.我心里只有你，心无旁骛，我变得单纯，从而爱惜身边的万物，只想每一对情人都幸福和长久。我唯一追求的，就是跟你厮守终生。种子已经落在肥沃的土地上，我们会种出属于两个人的果实。我是如此简单，只要看到你，我就会微笑。我的身体和我的心，都变干干净净。
只是，爱也使人变得复杂。爱上了你，我才领略思念的滋味、分离的愁苦和妒忌的煎熬，还有那无休止的占有欲。为什么你的一举一动都让我心潮起伏?为什么我总害怕时光飞逝而无法与你终生厮守?
风从指间掠过，我对镜中的自己感慨良久。你会爱我到永远吗?我还在爱，而你又是否理解?
演讲稿名人 篇10
五分钟名人演讲1大家好！
有一个故事，说的是一头驴，背着两捆草，饿了，到底放下哪一捆来吃呢?一直犹豫不决，结果饿死了。这个故事有点夸张，但是生活中有很多交叉点，每个人都会在上面徘徊。
做出选择既困难又痛苦。 这里有* *和那里有* *。我该选哪一个？我的同学出国了。我应该去新东方学习托福吗？
我的发小考公务员了，我是不是也要买书复习了?电视上说有个人小学没毕业做电商就发财了，我是不是也要到**上开个店铺?
你今天听到东边热闹往东跑，明天听到西边热闹，就掉头往西边跑。很多年下来，你会变成一个无头，一个锤子西一个槌，跑累了，没有积累。我认为，如果你觉得自己还年轻，那一定要花点时间想一想，不说长了，就是未来的十到十五年时间，你到底要想成为怎样的人?
未来十到十五年，你到底最想获得什么?这是最重要的。这个东西，你可以说是梦想，也可以说是价值。
为什么？因为一旦你搞清楚了，以后你做任何判断和选择都会容易得多。有助于实现我梦想的，我就干。
没帮助，我就放弃。锚定你的梦想。无论你在短期内遇到什么或遇到什么困难，都不会影响你的判断和选择。
这时，我很幸运，在困难面前我很少挥杆，经常拍拍脑袋做决定。因为我上高中的时候，就想清楚了我这辈子要干什么。我不想要进到一个仰人鼻息的单位去，我就梦想着要开个自己的电脑公司编软件，自己安排生活和命运，而且做好了，很多人都用，这样很有成就感。
一旦你有了这个想法，所有的选择都非常简单。例如，我在高中的时候，在全国物理竞赛中的了奖。很多大学都愿意录取我，有不同的专业。其中一所比较有名的大学想让我进入食品工程专业。
我父母听说以后十分高兴，他们经历过吃不饱饭的年代，觉得上了这个专业，以后就不愁吃饭了。但我强烈反对，因为我对食物不感兴趣，我只想做软件。当时，西安交通大学也来招收我。当时，我不知道西安交通大学是干什么的。我以为那是一所铁路大学。
但西安交通大学让我去计算机系，所以我去了，因为它达到了我的目标。相反，我很多同学根据当时热门不热门来选专业，很多人选了国际**。这种选择似乎很明智，但现在看来似乎不是他们真正想要的，也不是他们可以展示才华的地方。
如果你这么说，我的目标很简单。每年挣50万元。对于这样一个目标，我的建议是这个目标不应该太具体。太短期和太物质化的目标不能内化为你的梦想。
像年薪50万、100万这样的目标，你可能很快就实现了，然后就失去了梦想，没了目标，跟有些拿到巨额拆迁款的人一样，沉溺于赌博，把自己的未来都毁了;或者有的物质化目标很难实现，比如你想成为中国首富，可能你很快就放弃了。在我看来，只有这种非营利性的梦想和目标，才能激励一个人长期不断地追求。
我大学毕业时，也面临着选择。到底是去南方的某家银行工作，拿一月3000元的高薪，还是去北京的一家大型电脑公司，拿一月800元的工资?我没什么犹豫就选择了后者，因为只有到电脑公司，才能学习怎么做软件，才有机会实现我的梦想。
后来我离开这家电脑公司到互联网里去创业，有很多人说：“你太有勇气了，放弃了高薪和职位。”但是我觉得这不需要什么勇气。
它不再适合我了。它不能帮助我实现我的梦想。别人认为珍贵的东西对我来说什么都不是。所以，你的梦想和目标不跟物质挂钩，物质就不会成为你选择时的掣肘。
对于高中生来说，**可能是一个看起来很有前途的专业。对于大学生来说，**可能是一份薪水丰厚、人人羡慕的工作。但当你越走越远，物质对象越来越大，你需要坚定的梦想指南针来指引你。
当年我要离开雅虎，因为在里面不能创新，很多好想法实现不了，这种氛围让我窒息，让我忍无可忍。雅虎表示，如果想提前辞职，将扣除3000万美元。即使放到现在，这也是一笔不小的数目。
很多人为我感到难过，说你还要再过一年半。我不想混，也最痛恨混。自由对我来说是最重要的，做我想做的事最重要的。
于是，我再一次的创业。于是，有了360。
可以说，直到现在我的梦想从未改变，但是我的行业已经从计算机发展到了互联网和手机。我的目标很简单。我总是想做别人从未想过的产品。我的产品可以改变数百万人的生活和工作方式。这个梦想可以说是我实现了，也可以说是我没有实现，因为我认为还有更多的好主意要做。
90后年轻人朝气蓬勃。你应该有更好的梦想。希望您能考虑一下自己的未来。想想10年、15年后，大家再聚首的时候，你希望自己成为什么样的人，这才是最重要的。
谢谢大家!
五分钟名人演讲稿2曾经，大学生是天之骄子，谁家中出了一名大学生更可谓是光宗耀祖，门楣大幸，但随着社会的发展，各大高校的扩招，大学生在社会中所占比率越来越高，虽然，大学生依旧是祖国的栋梁，民族的希望，但相应的问题也随之而来。
在大学生中普遍存在着一些片面抑或极端的思想倾向，而这些倾向桎梏了同学的思维，抹杀了同学们的创造力，阻碍了同学们的进步和成功，比如大学生中的浮躁风，机械思想，极端个人主义，忽视体育锻炼等，这些都是遏制人才，残骸栋梁的**。
当代大学生，受当前全球化和市场经济所带来的一些不良思想潜移默化的影响，加上当前独生子女增多，在家中可谓集万千宠爱于一身，任何事物张嘴便可要来，伸手便可拿来，因此许多不良习气也都有所沾染，如何能帮助这些学子走上正确的人生轨道，改正不良习气及习惯，是我们社会人都应该考虑及身体力行的。
首先，与时代接轨，与国际接轨，个人命运与时代命运息息相关。青年的未来离不开国家的未来，国家的未来离不开青年的未来。大学生只有将个人的前途名誉同国家民族的发展前途结合在一起，才能真正的实现个人理想，做对社会有用，对自己无愧的优质人才。
二是充分利用现有条件，成为优秀人才和栋梁。
众所周知，今天是知识的时代。只有真正的人才，才能在未来日益复杂的社会中赢得一席之地。所以，我们每位大学生在校期间，应该充分利用各种资源，不符按的提升自己，超越自己，有专业所长、有眼光、有创造力。励志演讲三然后，要成为培养德智体美劳全面发展的好学生，好公民，培养高尚且健全人格，以健康的身心迎接困难及挑战。
同时，养成大爱，以博大的胸怀去为人处世，从而形成基本的价值观、道德观、思维观和社会工作的能力，为将来的走向社会服务他人奠定夯实的基础。
最后，把握有限的时间，创造无限的生命。当代大学生往往刚刚步入社会，年轻而朝气蓬勃。他们应该学习例行公事，培养分析能力和判断力，三思而后行。同时注意个人言行，知礼，诚信，明德，修身，学会控制自己，调整自己，走向社会、参与实践、志愿服务、公益事业，以充分展现个人魅力及个人修养，这将会是我们今后就业中无形的财富。
望当今大学生，承前启后，实事求是，活出自我，少年强则，学子们，愿你们用努力与奋斗托起明天旭日，扛起中国脊梁。
五分钟名人演讲稿3我讲的题目是《幸福的哲学》。
我一辈子幸福感最强烈的时候，是什么时候?主要是两段时光。一段是谈恋爱的时候。
我在上初中的时候，就暗恋一个女生，她坐在我后面三四排的样子。在课堂上，我总是回头看她。后来，慢慢地，我想让她知道我在看着她。我总是看着她，她知道。只要我回头看她，她就脸红了。
我现在还记得她的样子，圆脸，经常穿一件绿色的衣服，那时候脑子里面老是在打腹稿，写情书，怎么样给她写情书。初三的时候，她坐在我旁边。那时，我很高兴。
然后我在17岁的时候上了北京大学。那真是青春期。有一天，我突然发现世界上有那么多美丽的女孩，我突然觉得世界很美好，生活也很美好。当时，我写了很多诗，都是情诗，但没有对象。
或者看到一个可爱的女孩，写一首歌，其实我并不认识她。她盯着我看，我心跳了半天，我回去写诗。
爱情真的是人生的幸福，一个非常重要的内容。两个人相爱，不管他们相爱多久，他们可能会在一后分手，但你们相爱的时候是美好的。如果你最终分手了，不要责怪对方，要心存感激，感谢对方给了你一个好日子。
现在很多人经常互相抱怨。我觉得没必要。那有的人就说了，他说当然爱是美好的，但是他对我不是爱，他是骗了我。那我说，你也不要埋怨，你应该怎么样?
你应该鄙视他。他不值得你爱，也不值得你抱怨。怨恨也是一种很沉重的感觉。你应该保留你的感情，不要浪费在他身上。
什么是爱？爱是在这个世界上找到一个亲密的亲戚。一个好的婚姻能够经受住漫长岁月的考验，那就不但是美好的幸运的，而且是伟大的，这是人生的伟大成就，能够得到这么伟大成就的人是很少的。
这是一段时间。后来有一段时间，我抚养孩子，自己当了爸爸。有时她妈妈看到我拿着奶瓶喂孩子。她喝醉了。她说：
“你不要以为你在给孩子喂奶，这个奶水就是从你身上出来的。”我当时就回了她一句：“我说我真的感觉我整个变成了一个**瓶了。
”但是毕竟不一样，她是真正用自己的身体在那里给孩子哺乳，我看的真是羡慕得不得了。
其实人生中的幸福，那些最本质的幸福是很简单、很平凡的。我们总是想在远方找到幸福。你可以创造非凡的事业，创造卓越，创造辉煌。但是，如果说你事业上非常风光，可是你的家庭生活一团糟，你根本没有时间跟自己的家人在一起，我觉得你的人生是有重大缺陷的。
不管你多忙，你都得和家人一起吃饭。桌上一定有笑声和欢呼声。这比有车有房重要得多。无论一个人有多少钱，无论他的汽车或房间有多豪华，如果没有这样的东西，我都说他很可怜。 他是世界上一个孤独的灵魂。所以这是我的第一个观点，珍惜平凡的生活。
你要享受生命，享受生命单纯的快乐。你要享受你的智力，享受老天给人的这些得天独厚的禀赋，这是做人的幸福。
我认为最重要的智力素质是什么？一是好奇心，对事物、世界和质是充满兴趣。事实上，我在女儿身上可以看得很清楚。她小时候很好奇。
我的女儿啾啾，她四岁五岁的时候，她问她妈妈，她说：“妈妈，云的上面是什么?”妈妈说：
“云的上面是星星。”她问：“星星的上面是什么?
”妈妈说：“星星的上面还是星星吧。”她说：
“我问的是最后的最后是什么?”妈妈说：“没有最后吧。
”她奇怪了，她回过头来就问我，她说：“爸爸，这怎么会呢?”她指指我们家的天花板，她的意思说天也应该有个天花板吧?
应该有最后一个吗？问题是什么？世界在空间上是有限的还是无限的。
她又问她妈妈，她说：“妈妈，有一个问题你肯定回答不了。”妈妈说：
“什么问题?”她说：“你告诉我世界的一辈子有多长?
”这是世界在时间上有限和无限的问题。她又问，她说：“妈妈，世界上第一个人是从哪儿来的?
”妈妈说：“中国神话里面说是女娲造的。”她马上问：
“女娲是谁造的?”对生命、对人类的起源追根究底，这是典型的哲学性的追问。
那么又过了几天，她问我一个问题，她说：“爸爸，在世界的另一个地方，会不会还有另一个我?”我一听这个问题，我汗毛竖起来了。
我说：“可能吧，说不定你还会遇到她呢。”她马上非常生气地打断我，她说：
“不会的。”然后转过头去跟她妈妈说：“妈妈，有一天当你老了的时候。
”实际上她是委婉地说，当你死了的时候。她说：“当你老了的时候，在世界的另一个地方，又会生存一个人来，那个人长得跟你完全不一样，但她就是你。
”老天，她讲的是轮回，我的汗毛又竖起来了。
真的，孩子真不能小看，你们小时候一定也想过这种问题，提过这个问题，可能当时家长叫你不要胡思乱想。这哪是胡思乱想，这是最重要的问题，最根本的问题，想把人生的大问题弄清楚，要不生活得不踏实。如果你有这种感觉，你就有这学天赋。看来我女儿有这学天赋。
但是自从进了小学以后，这样的问题就越来越少了，问的都是作业怎么做的问题了，一个哲学家就这样被扼杀了。
那么我们怎么样让孩子的聪明保持下来?教育到底要达到什么目的?现在的教育，它的目标太狭隘了，太可怜了。
英国有个哲学家叫怀特海，他说过一句话，他说什么是教育?教育就是等你把你在课堂上学的东西都忘记了，把你为考试而背诵的东西都忘记了，那剩下的东西就是教育。
所以，我经常也跟家长们谈，今天在坐的可能也有家长。家长该怎么办？一是为素质教育加分。家庭中最重要的教育是教化。
家长自己是一个爱生活的人，爱读书，爱思考问题，然后经常和孩子交流，在这样一个环境里面，孩子自然而然就会往那个方向发展，他的素质就会提高。
还有一点就是给应试教育减负，我的女儿啾啾，因为她在小学的时候基本上在班上都是第一第二，然后到了初中，排名就往下了一点，基本上是第四第五吧。我说第四和第五非常好，比第一和第二好多了。我说：
“你就保持这个，很好，爸爸非常满意。”然后有一次期末考试，不小心考了一个全年级第一，我就批评她了，我说：“你怎么考的?
我们不是已经约定好了吗?你怎么就考了个第一，下不为例。”我是不想让她因为考了第一，然后就有压力了，以后还要争这个第一。
其实所有的家长都是爱孩子的，但是我觉得有些家长爱的方法不对，从幼儿园、小学、中学、大学直至以后那个工作，恨不得给他全部都安排好，他以为他这样做，就给了孩子一个美好的未来。我告诉你才不是呢!孩子的未来绝对不掌握在你的手里面，掌握在谁的手里面?
掌握在孩子自己的手里。你要把孩子培养出一个好的素质、好的心态，让他既能自己去追求幸福、创造幸福，又能承受人生必不可免的苦难，这样你的教育就成功了。
这个时代我们谈幸福谈的很多，但是为什么感到自己幸福的人其实不多?你没有弄清楚人生什么东西是最重要的最宝贵的，往往把那些次要的不太宝贵的东西看得太重要了，把你的全部力量都使在那里，结果呢?得不到，你痛苦;得到了，你也并不幸福。
老天给了我们每个人一条命一颗心，把这条命照看好，把这颗心安顿好，人生就是圆满的，就是幸福的，我讲完了。